This
is a talk I gave at the Unitarian Universalist Church of the
Restoration in Philadelphia, when I was a member. Restoration was
originally a Universalist Church founded in 1820 in Philadelphia.
Good morning. My name
is Frank Gerould. I have been a member of this congregation since
1990, which qualifies me as one of the old heads. This morning we are
going to do a little history of our radical forbears in Universalism
in early 19th century Philadelphia.
In April, I went on my
annual pilgrimage to the Socialist Scholars Conference, now called
the Left Forum, at Cooper Union in NYC with some of my socialist
comrades, and found this book William Heighton: Pioneer Labor
Leader of Jacksonian Philadelphia by Philip Foner in the
bookstalls in the basement there. Foner was the dean of American
labor history, who taught at Lincoln University and Rutgers-Camden
until his death in 1994. The appendix has selections of William
Heighton’s writings and speeches, including, remarkably, an address
delivered to the Universalist Church in Callowhill Street on
Wednesday evening, November 21, 1827. Heighton was a labor journalist
and organizer of the first central labor body in American History,
and a Universalist.
According to Bruce
Laurie in Working People of Philadelphia 1800-1850, there were
four Universalist congregations in Philadelphia in 1830: our
congregation on Lombard Street, one in Northern Liberties, one in
Kensington, and a fourth not identified. So this address happened at
the Northern Liberties branch of the Universalists.
To begin, Sandy Fulton
will talk about the early history of Universalism, then Paul Mack
will read some excerpts form Heighton’s address to the “Mechanics
and Working Classes” at the Universalist Church. When you are
listening to Paul, notice the level of language delivered to a 19th
century audience from an artisan laborer with little formal
education. The complete address is 20 pages, and must have taken two
hours to deliver. Then I will talk about William Heighton and the
social movement of the times. Then comments and questions as time
permits.
William Heighton:
Pioneer Labor Leader of Jacksonian Philadelphia
From 1818 to 1820,
depression visited upon America. In 1820, 20,000 in a population of
100,000 were unemployed in Philadelphia. In addition, even those who
managed to stay employed took severe wage cuts. Most of the few
Philadelphia unions died in the mid-1820s. Shoes, clothing,
furniture, carriages, bricks, rope, cigars, brushes, barrels, candy,
and hats were produced in large but not mechanized factories. In
Manayunk, the textile industry became fully established with
water-powered spinning and weaving machines. In Kensington and
Moyanmensing textile factories also emerged, although much of the
work continued to be performed by outworkers.
Even when the economy
improved, workingmen felt an increasing sense of injustice- long
hours, overbearing employers, and constant fear of unemployment. For
a growing number of workers, living conditions were declining at an
alarming rate. Forced to live in crowded dwellings, in tenements and
basement hovels, they were without the benefits of fresh air,
sunlight or rudimentary sanitary facilities. The stagnant pools of
sewage in the streets provided a natural home for the scourge of
cholera, which swept the city leaving hundreds dead who could not
escape to the countryside.
So this is what moved
William Heighton to advocate for the cause of labor in Jacksonian
Philadelphia. He noted there were “but few indeed who produce
wealth that ever enjoy it; while those who produce nothing, enjoy it
with all its attendant blessings and comforts.” William Heighton
was a 28-year old cordwainer in 1827 (a leatherworker who made things
of cordovan, esp. shoes) who played an important role in the creation
and shaping of the early American labor movement. Heighton was born
in Northampshire, England in 1800, and came to America as a young
man. He went to work in the shoemakers’ trade in Southwark in
present day South Philadelphia. He had little formal education, but
had some biblical training and was familiar with a number of economic
works of the time. Like many artisans and mechanics, Heighton was
influenced by the ideas of the classical British economist David
Ricardo. Ricardo argued that only labor adds value to natural
resources, and the price of every product is determined by the work
put into it. This is called the labor theory of value- a theory that
prevailed among classical economists thought the mid 19th
century- most notably Marx. Ricardo, like Adam Smith, also believed
in laissez-faire, free trade and free markets.
The labor theory of
value had enormous influence in working class circles during the
Jacksonian era, and some economic thinkers known as the Ricardian
Socialists. They opposed the unequal distribution of wealth under
capitalism, which resulted in the accumulation of large amounts of
capital in the hands of the few. They were the intellectual
precursors to Marxian socialism and social democracy which would come
later in the 19th century. Other influences on Heighton
were John Gray’s A Lecture on Human Happiness, which
Heighton reprinted in his labor newspaper, the Mechanics’ Free
Press, and Robert Owen, the British industrialist and utopian
socialist. Owen is considered the father of the cooperative movement,
who pioneered reforms of the factory system in Europe. He proposed
intentional cooperative communities with public kitchens, universal
childcare and education for youth, and humane workplaces. He spoke
before joint Houses of Congress in 1824, and in Philadelphia at the
Franklin Institute in June 1827. He founded an experimental community
in New Harmony, Indiana in 1825, which failed after two years.
Much to Heighton’s
credit, he thought the solution to poverty was through a workingman’s
movement in their own community, especially through the intelligent
use of the vote (rather than retreating to some remote frontier). In
the address Paul read, Heighton advocates nominating their own
candidates who will serve the interests of working people. He led the
creation of a powerful central association of Philadelphia
journeymen’s societies to collect and administer strike funds,
direct strikes, and organize new unions. The Mechanics Union of Trade
Associations was officially established in January, 1828. The
preamble, written by Heighton, read like the Declaration of
Independence:
“We, the Journeymen
Mechanics of the City and County of Philadelphia, conscious that our
condition in society is lower than justice demands it should be, and
feeling our inability, individually, to ward off from ourselves and
families those numerous evils which result from an unequal and very
excessive accumulation of wealth and power into the hands of a few,
are desirous of forming an Association, which shall avert as much as
possible those evils which poverty and increasing toil have already
inflicted, and which threaten ultimately to overwhelm and destroy
us.”
At its height, the
Mechanics Union of Trade Associations had 18 member unions in 1830,
representing 2000 dues paying members. It founded six new trade
societies and beneficial societies. Trades included tobacconists,
ladies cordainers, printers and compositors, blacksmiths and
whitesmiths (a worker in whitemetals, esp. tinsmith), leather
workers, saddlers and harness makers. The finance committee of the
MUTA collected ten cents monthly dues from the membership to build a
strike fund, which was a new development
in the labor market of
Philadelphia. Workers could now endure a strike with strike benefits.
Another venture for
Heighton was a workingman’s library and newspaper, which he
mentions in his address. In September 1827, the Mechanics Library
Company was opened in North Alley. It became a clearinghouse of
ideas, forum for discussions, and a meetinghouse for all regardless
of trade. A regular feature was a Wednesday evening debate designed
to encourage the growth of the workingman’s movement. Membership
was $1.00. Over 100 volumes and many periodicals could be read in its
single room during the long hours the library was open.
The Library also edited
and published the Mechanics’ Free Press, the first newspaper
in America for workers and edited entirely by workingmen. The
four-page, five-column weekly carried on the masthead “A Journal of
Practical and Useful Knowledge” edited and published by a committee
of the Mechanics Library Company of Philadelphia. It lasted from 1828
to 1835, and had average weekly circulation of 1500-2000, when the
major Philadelphia paper claimed on 4000. I would like to read the
old issues. Philip Foner reports that the paper reprinted some
articles from the abolitionist press, and treatises like Gray’s
Lecture on Human Happiness, poetry from its working class
readers, as well as issues on educational and labor reforms.
Chestnut & Bank St., Philadelphia |
The paper also
championed the Philadelphia Workingman’s Party to run its own
candidates for public office. The program for the party became a
platform for labor parties throughout the US during the Jacksonian
era: a call for a free, tax supported school system to replace the
hated “pauper schools”; the abolition of imprisonment for debt;
abolition of all licensed monopolies (meaning banks especially);
abolition of the prevailing compulsory militia system; no regulation
of religion; and direct election of officer by a vote of the people.
The platform also addressed economic issues, protested unsanitary and
overcrowded housing, the right to form trade unions, and proposed a
ten-hour work day. It even demanded “sufficient hydrant water
pressure for the accommodation of the poor.” Public education for
the children of the poor as well as the rich was a key demand. At
this time, Pennsylvania provided schools for the poor if a family
could not afford tuition. In practice, these schools were woefully
under funded, and there was a stigma attached to attending them. The
Philadelphia workingmen demanded education for their children not as
“a grace and bounty for charity, but as a matter of right and
duty.”
The Workingman’s
Party ran 39 candidates for state and national office in 1828,
receiving less than 10% of Jackson’s Democratic Party vote, which
is the story of third parties in America. In 1829 the Party ran
candidates dually endorsed with the Democratic Party in Philadelphia,
and became power brokers in many city districts. Sixteen Workingmen
candidates were elected. Of course, this led to the eventual
absorption of the Workingman’s Party and its issues into the
Democratic Party. 1831 was the last campaign for the first labor
party in the world.
Foner reports that
Heighton left Philadelphia in 1830 after the collapse of the
Philadelphia Workingman’s Party. I think he burned out. He achieved
a secure (if neglected) place in the history of the American labor
movement. He initiated the Mechanics Union of Trade Associations. He
founded the first labor paper, the Mechanics Free Press, and
the first labor party, the Philadelphia Workingman’s Party. He
wrote and distributed many popular pamphlets advancing the cause of
social and economic equality.
In June 1833, the
Pennsylvania legislature abolished imprisonment for debt, and in 1834
it passed laws establishing comprehensive free public schools and
taxes to support them. Labor won a victory.
Let me finish with some
tidbits I found about Universalism in Philadelphia in Bruce Laurie’s
Working People of Philadelphia 1800-1850. The minister of our
congregation from 1818 to 1825 was a prominent freethinker named
Abner Kneeland. He was friend and champion of Robert Owen, the
British utopian socialist, and also Frances Wright, a famous feminist
and abolitionist from Scotland. He introduced Owen at his Franklin
Institute engagement in 1827, and shared the stage with Frances
Wright on many occasions in Philadelphia. Among her controversial
activities was founding an interracial community called the Nashoba
Commune in a suburb of Memphis in 1825, and conducting 30 freed
slaves to Haiti in 1830. Abner Kneeland was automatically
disfellowshipped by the New England Universalist General Convention
in 1830 when he renounced Christianity.
Bruce Laurie recounts
in a chapter called “Radicals: Thomas Paine’s Progeny”,
that Universalism and Free Thought were the most important
rationalist currents, products of the liberal humanism of the
Enlightenment. Taken together, there were about 2000 Universalists
and Free Thinkers (or as they preferred, Free Enquirers) on the rolls
of the churches and societies in 1830 in Philadelphia, about 4/5 of
which were Universalists. He also tells this story about the cholera
epidemic of 1832 that took a heavy toll in Philadelphia’s poorest
neighborhoods. Thousands crowded into churches in search of solace
and reassurance. Leading Protestant clergy called a meeting to
consider remedial action, attracting 250 clergy of various sects. A
resolution was passed with only two dissenters calling for a day of
fasting and prayer “as means of averting the scourge and inducing
the Lord to be gracious.” The lone dissenters, Zelotes Fuller and
Abel Thomas, two Universalist ministers, argued large prayer meetings
risked spreading the epidemic, and fasting would reduce one’s
resistance. They were denounced as infidels.
So we are the progeny
of Thomas Paine and infidels.
Foner, Philip S.
William Heighton: Pioneer Labor Leader of Jacksonian Philadelphia,
With Selections from Heighton's Writings. New York: International
Publishers, 1991.
Laurie, Bruce. Working People of Philadelphia, 1800-1850. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980.